Database consumption

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Database consumption (Japanese: データベース消費, romanized: dētabēsu shōhi) refers to a way of content consumption in which people do not consume a narrative itself, but rather consume the constituent elements of the narrative.[1]: 240  The concept was coined by the Japanese critic Hiroki Azuma in the early 2000s.

Overview[edit]

The background to Azuma's presentation of this theory is the concept of narrative consumption by the critic and writer Eiji Ōtsuka.

In his A Theory of Narrative Consumption, Ōtsuka cites franchises like Bikkuriman stickers and Sylvanian Families as examples, pointing out that people are not consuming the items but the "grand narratives" (大きな物語, 'big story', worldviews and setting) behind them. He called the paradigm of consumption mainly found since the 1980s "narrative consumption". It is also referred to as "worldview consumption" (世界観消費) to avoid the ambiguity of "narrative" which specifically means "grand narrative (worldview and setting)" in this theory.[2][note 1]

Based on Ōtsuka's work, Azuma replaces "grand narrative (worldview and setting)" in the theory of narrative consumption with "grand non-narrative (stacks of information)" (大きな非物語（情報の集積）) and use the term "database consumption" to describe the new paradigm of consuming a huge "database" shared within a community. This form of consumption is particularly prominent in Japanese otaku culture since the late 1990s .

The new consumption paradigm is closely related to the advent of postmodernism. In essence, otaku culture and the postmodern condition are thought to have the following points in common: 1) As stated by Jean Baudrillard, it is no longer possible to distinguish between the original and the simulated, and thereby the in-between simulacra prevail in hyperreality, which parallels the difficulty to distinguish derivative works and media mix from the original works in otaku culture; 2) Jean-François Lyotard defined postmodernism as the decline of grand narratives (norms shared by society as a whole) and the emergence of many localized, little narratives (norms shared only within small communities), which corresponds to otaku culture's unique value norm that the fictional world rather than the real world is paid more attention to.[4]: 40–47 

While narrative consumption could be seen as fabricating pseudo-"grand narratives" with worldviews behind works to compensate for the lost grand narrative (partial postmodernism), in database consumption, however, even fabrication is abandoned (full postmodernism).[4]: 131  Therefore, in (full) postmodern otaku culture, by accessing the database (stacks of information) that varies depending on personal interpretations, various settings are extracted by different people to create different original and derivative works (indistinguishable between originals and copies).

In Lacanian terminology, "grand narrative" could be seen as "the Symbolic", "little narrative" as "the Imaginary", and the "database" as "the Real".[5] However, psychiatrist Tamaki Saito, while acknowledging such correspondence is understandable as a metaphor, believes the equivalent to the database should be more appropriately the Symbolic, stating that it is the autonomous Symbolic that promotes the "genesis of characters".[6] The "database turn" of the world can be considered a manifestation of postmodernization in the cultural aspect (shift towards database consumption), globalization in the economic aspect, and the digitalization in the technological aspect.[7]

Azuma did not mention which type of database is involved in database consumption. Informatics engineering expert Naohiko Yamaguchi [8] and art critic Takemi Kuresawa[9] believe the concept corresponds to a relational database.

Otaku culture[edit]

The image of Wikipe-tan consists of visual signs (moe-elements) such as cat ears, a maid outfit and a tail.

As mentioned above, Azuma cites how Japanese otaku content has been consumed since the late 1990s as a major example of database consumption.

For example, the shift of fan consumption patterns from Mobile Suit Gundam (since 1979) to Neon Genesis Evangelion (since 1995) suggests a departure from narrative consumption.[4]: 58–62  In Gundam, different series were set in the same fictitious history (Universal Century, etc.), and fans enthusiastically scrutinized that fictitious history (grand narrative). Evangelion fans, however, tend not to immerse themselves in the world of the work, but rather to devote themselves to doujinshi (self-published derivative works) that feature the heroines and model figures of the mechanics in the series. Rather than the worldview, stacks of information (grand non-narrative) including characters and mechanics are demanded and consumed. According to Satoshi Maejima, a Japanese critic, despite many meaningful keywords (Human Instrumentality Project, S2 Engine, etc.) that seem to hint at the worldview of the work (which fits the concept of narrative consumption) in the first half of Evangelion, the work eventually came to an end without revealing the truth, and the audience was therefore forced to change their attitude of consuming the story.[10] This change in consumption patterns that began in 1995 (the shift to so-called "character moe") can be considered a shift from manufacturer-led to consumer-led, and the background was the consumer base shifted from otaku students of liberal arts (who prefer stories) to those of engineering (who prefers systems).[11]

In 1998, Di Gi Charat characters were designed as Broccoli's image character (mascot) without a background story. Nonetheless, they surprisingly became a hit and were adapted into different media franchises, including anime and video games, ultimately ending up having a background story. Characters in Di Gi Charat were designed by assembling moe elements like ahoge and bells, making them a good example of "moe-element database" consumption (Other examples of combinations of moe elements can be seen in mainstream culture. For example, the same argument can be applied to the costumes of the idol group Mini-Moni.[12]) In this way, otaku have developed a spinal reflex reaction to symbols of their favorite moe elements as though they are drug addicts. (Or, more generally, they only have self-contained desire-fulfillment circuits without mediating the desires of the others.) Hiroki Azuma borrows the expression of Alexandre Kojève and calls this development "animalization".[note 2][4]: 126  In database consumption, characters like Di Gi Charat and Binchotan born without a story in the background may be given ones later on or become the subjects of derivative creations. Such human characters (typically young girls) designed as representations of non-humans can be called moe anthropomorphism.[16] Hatsune Miku, the image character of a speech synthesis software package released in 2007, despite lacking a narrative, gained high popularity due to its unique characteristics and has since been widely used in various derivative creations.[17] Hiroki Azuma describes this as the "exact form of database consumption".[18] While Hatsune Miku's success was mainly based on the video-sharing platform Niconico, the cyberspace of the website, which is filled with a plethora of MAD movies (videos made by splicing together anime clips; anime music video), is made possible as a result of the establishment of database consumption.[19]

Bishōjo games that became popular in otaku culture after the late 1990s are also thought to reflect postmodern database consumption due to their structure.[4]: 113–116 [note 3]

In Japanese manga and anime, as manga critic Kō Itō points out, there exists a phenomenon that characters maintain their identities even when removed from their original context and placed in a different environment (e.g., secondary creations). [20] He called the phenomenon "autonomization of characters" (キャラクターの自律化)[note 4]. In a way, a "character database", not the narrative, has become the object of consumption. Light novels, which have attracted attention since the early 2000s, encompass various genres including science fiction, fantasy, and detective fiction, and are often considered difficult to define; However, by focusing on their crucial element–character design–we can use the keyword "database consumption" to define them as "novels written within the environment of a character database".[21]

In the latter half of the 2000s, works featuring "moe" characters with appealing charms and regressed narratives have gained increasing popularity, particularly triggered by the success of TV anime Lucky Star. These works, commonly referred to as "slice of life" (日常系, nichijō-kei, 'daily genre'), are media content that precisely fits into the database consumption model.[22]

Shūji Nomaguchi mentioned that what is being done in the creation of isekai works (なろう系, narō-kei, 'let's-become genre') that hit the same era of the 2010s corresponds to this. He believes the clichéd narō-kei story is part of what Azuma calls the "invisible database", and these works are created through accessing an intangible "narō-kei database" and selecting elements to be used in their settings.[23]

In the world of contemporary art, there are examples of incorporating elements of otaku culture into artworks such as those of Takashi Murakami and Chaos*Lounge. Murakami's works receive polarized responses: they are highly regarded in the contemporary art world, yet heavily criticized by otaku. This can be explained by how the database (substratum) and the simulacra (superstratum) are understood differently, according to Azuma.[4]: 92–94  Murakami employs the technique of purifying the designs (simulacra) that represent otaku culture and incorporates them into his works. But this is only appreciated in modern art criticism which sees the production of simulacra as "a weapon for constructing the avant-garde"; It cannot be understood by otaku whose consumption is based on a database of moe elements because that important database is missing. Chaos*Lounge, a contemporary art group, creates many works based on existing characters and also cites Azuma's theory of character moe and database consumption as their theoretical background to ensure criticality.[24]

Non-otaku culture[edit]

Azuma argues that even outside of otaku culture, the behavior patterns of burusera girls and compensated dating girls, who were the subject of sociologist Shinji Miyadai's fieldwork, are following a path of transition from narrative consumption to database consumption. He also points out that Miyadai's "synchronized communication" found in street youth shares similarities to otaku's animalization.

Some also linked techniques like sampling and remixing used in music genres like hip hop and techno-pop to the database consumption model. DJs collect and reconfigure musical elements that make up original songs as materials to create derivative creations, which is considered paralleling to secondary creations like doujinshi published by otaku; Some also compared between "anime eyes" who enjoy moe elements in visual symbols to "techno ears" who enjoy repetitive techno melodies.[25] However, Satoshi Masuda, an expert in music theory and media studies, points out that there are two differences in the database-like consumption of these cultures.[26] First, in otaku culture, fan creations are based on the principle of the autonomy of characters, while in DJ culture, it is unlikely that musical elements can retain their meanings and be consumed alone while extracted from the original song. Second, in DJ culture, the reconstruction of musical elements is done at a superficial level (mechanical copying of data), but in otaku culture, fan creation activities often involve character settings that are not necessarily found original works.[note 5] In addition, DJ culture in the 1990s typically consider songs' historical contexts while selecting music clips, making it temporal context-dependent, so some people believe there is a clear distinction between DJ culture and otaku's database consumption.[27]

Hiroyuki Aihara, a picture book author, exemplifies database consumption with iPod, blogs, and select stores (stores that sell selected items from different brands).[28] When songs are recorded in an album, they exist within the unity of the album's worldview: but when individually downloaded to an iPod, re-organized, and listened to, the unity (grand narrative) collapses. Likewise, a blog is flat, lacking a hierarchical structure commonly found in conventional websites, and a select shop displays and sells products, ignoring the unity (grand narratives) of brands. On the Internet, in addition to blogs, "meme communication" (ネタ的コミュニケーション)[note 6] found on the online forum 2channel is similar to database consumption in that copy-paste, ASCII art, etc. can be regarded as components of a database.[29]

Takayuki Okai, who specializes in media studies and sociology, refers to Hiroki Azuma's argument and contrasts that professional wrestling fans are narrative-consuming, but mixed martial arts fans are database-consuming.[30]

There are also observations that the behavior of "characterizing" oneself, typically among young people in Japan, also refers to different types of characters that appear in pop culture, as in the database consumption theory.

As for non-Japanese culture, examples include that professional performers in the American TV drama series glee covering famous songs of previous American stars is database-consuming.[31] In this case, the US differs from Japan in that songs rather than characters are the object of this type of consumption.[32] Hiroki Azuma himself cites the situation in Hollywood movies, where highly advanced visual effects are often paired with clichéd set patterns, as an example of database consumption outside of Japan.[33]

Counterexamples[edit]

Sociologist Shinji Miyadai[34] and writer Hiroyuki Kagami[35] argue that the database consumption model cannot explain the popularity of mobile phone novel series, including Koizora which was a huge boom in 2006 and 2007. On the other hand, critic Tsunehiro Uno says that in a society where database consumption has become ubiquitous, the national function of "literary style" (grand narrative) has since defunct and is now compensated for by expanding plots.[36] Whether it be the light novel boom, the mobile phone novel boom, or the practical-book-like novel boom,[note 7] what matters is not the content of the text itself, but how efficiently it allows access to the background database.[37][38] Satoshi Hamano, a critic and sociologist, draws parallels between the "deep emotion" frequently mentioned by mobile phone novel fans and animalized otaku's "moe" in database consumption theory by Azuma.[39]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Sonoko Azuma used the term "worldview consumption" to describe a specific type of narrative consumption that involves imaging a worldview as a "grand narrative".[3]
  2. ^ The concept "animalization" is frequently compared to George Ritzer's concept of McDonaldization (excessive emphasis on rationality and computability).[13][14] It is also sometimes compared to Zolaism.[15]
  3. ^ The A.D.M.S. in YU-NO: A Girl Who Chants Love at the Bound of this World is an example of effective utilization of postmodernist philosophy.
  4. ^ Since Itō himself distinguishes between "characters" (キャラクター) that have a presence within the story and "chara" (キャラ) that are removed from the work, it could be called "autonomization of charas" (キャラの自律化) in his words.
  5. ^ That said, in otaku culture, fan creations may also involve mechanical copying such as MAD movies.[4]: 120–121 
  6. ^ A term coined by sociologist Kensuke Suzuki. It is a communication style commonly seen in posts on 2channel, where one references previous comments and reacts as if they are memes (ネタ). Sociologist Akihiro Kitada's definition of the "sociality of connections" (つながりの社会性) has almost the same meaning.
  7. ^ Practical-book-like novels (実用書的小説) are those released in novel packages but are in fact practical books. Examples include Natsumi Iwasakii's Moshidora and Takafumi Horie's 拝金 (Worshipping Money) and 成金 (Becoming Rich).

References[edit]

  1. ^ 東浩紀 (2007). ゲーム的リアリズムの誕生~動物化するポストモダン2 [Birth of game-like realism: Japan’s Database Animals II] (in Japanese). 講談社. ISBN 978-4061498839.
  2. ^ 前島賢 (2010). セカイ系とは何か ポスト・エヴァのオタク史 [What is Sekai-kei: A post-Eva otaku history] (in Japanese). ソフトバンククリエイティブ. pp. 111–112. ISBN 978-4797357165.
  3. ^ 東園子 (2010). 妄想の共同体――「やおい」コミュニティにおける恋愛コードの機能 [A delusive community: the function of love codes in the "yaoi" community]. 思想地図〈vol.5〉特集・社会の批評 [Thought map Vol.5 Special feature: Social criticism]. 日本放送出版協会. p. 252. ISBN 978-4140093481.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g 東浩紀 (2001). 動物化するポストモダン オタクから見た日本社会 [Otaku: Japan's Database Animals] (in Japanese). 講談社. ISBN 9784061495753.
  5. ^ 東浩紀; 大澤真幸 (2007年). 虚構から動物へ [From fiction to animals]. 批評の精神分析 東浩紀コレクションD [Critical psychoanalysis: Hiroki Azuma Collection D]. 講談社. p. 65. ISBN 978-4062836296.
  6. ^ 斎藤環 (2011年). キャラクター精神分析 マンガ・文学・日本人 [Character psychoanalysis: Manga, literature and Japanese peopele]. 筑摩書房. pp. 214–215. ISBN 978-4480842954.
  7. ^ 「動物化するオタク系文化」『網状言論F改―ポストモダン・オタク・セクシュアリティ 』28頁。
  8. ^ 山口 (2009). 情報工学とライトノベル [Informatics engineering and light novels]. ライトノベル研究序説 [An introduction to light novel study]. 青弓社. p. 207. ISBN 978-4787291882.
  9. ^ 暮沢剛巳 (2010). キャラクター文化入門 [An introduction to character culture]. エヌ・ティ・ティ出版. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-4757142565.
  10. ^ 前島賢 (2010). セカイ系とは何か ポスト・エヴァのオタク史 [What is Sekai-kei: A post-Eva otaku history] (in Japanese). ソフトバンククリエイティブ. pp. 106–107. ISBN 978-4797357165.
  11. ^ 東「立ちから萌えへ」『文学環境論集 東浩紀コレクションＬ』 講談社、2007年、222-223頁。ISBN 978-4062836210。
  12. ^ 東; 大塚 (2008). リアルのゆくえ──おたく/オタクはどう生きるか [The future of reality: How do otaku live?] (in Japanese). 講談社. p. 63. ISBN 978-4062879576.
  13. ^ 樫村愛子 (2007). ネオリベラリズムの精神分析―なぜ伝統や文化が求められるのか [Psychoanalysis of neoliberalism: Why are traditions and culture needed?]. 光文社. p. 89. ISBN 978-4334034153.
  14. ^ 岩木秀夫 (2004). ゆとり教育から個性浪費社会へ [From relaxed education to a society that wastes individuality] (in Japanese). 筑摩書房. pp. 10–11, 200. ISBN 978-4480061515.
  15. ^ 東; 大塚 (2008). リアルのゆくえ──おたく/オタクはどう生きるか [The future of reality: How do otaku live?] (in Japanese). 講談社. p. 157. ISBN 978-4062879576.
  16. ^ 東園子 (2010). 妄想の共同体――「やおい」コミュニティにおける恋愛コードの機能 [A delusive community: the function of love codes in the "yaoi" community]. 思想地図〈vol.5〉特集・社会の批評 [Thought map Vol.5 Special feature: Social criticism]. 日本放送出版協会. p. 253. ISBN 978-4140093481.
  17. ^ 濱野智史 (2008). アーキテクチャの生態系――情報環境はいかに設計されてきたか [Architecture ecosystem: How has the information environment been designed?] (in Japanese). エヌ・ティ・ティ出版. pp. 242–245. ISBN 978-4757102453.
  18. ^ 東浩紀・伊藤剛・谷口文和・DJ TECHNORCH・濱野智史「初音ミクと未来の音 同人音楽・ニコ動・ボーカロイドの交点にあるもの」『ユリイカ』2008年12月臨時増刊号、152頁。
  19. ^ 黒瀬陽平 (2008). キャラクターが、見ている。――アニメ表現論序説 [The character is watching. --An introduction to anime expression theory]. 思想地図〈vol.1〉特集・日本 [Thought map Vol.1 Special feature: Japan]. 日本放送出版協会. p. 444. ISBN 978-4140093405.
  20. ^ 伊藤 (2005). テヅカ・イズ・デッド ひらかれたマンガ表現論へ [TEZUKA is Dead: Postmodernist and Modernist Approaches to Japanese Manga] (in Japanese). NTT出版. p. 54. ISBN 978-4757141292.
  21. ^ 『ゲーム的リアリズムの誕生』37-45頁。
  22. ^ キネマ旬報映画総合研究所 (2011). “日常系アニメ”ヒットの法則 [Rules for making "slice-of-life anime" a hit] (in Japanese). キネマ旬報社. p. 90. ISBN 978-4873763590.
  23. ^ 野間口修二. 物語消費からデータベース消費へ [From narrative consumption to database consumption]. ウェブ表現研究講義用資料 (in Japanese). Retrieved September 14, 2020.
  24. ^ あらい ひろゆき「萌えアートを斬る!」週刊金曜日ニュース（2010年11月2日）
  25. ^ 伊藤剛 「「テクノ耳」と「アニメ絵目」 テクノとアニメ絵に共通する身体的な快楽原理」『マンガは変わる―“マンガ語り”から“マンガ論”へ』 青土社、2007年、264-267頁。ISBN 978-4791763856。
  26. ^ 増田聡 (2008). データベース、パクリ、初音ミク [Database, Plagiarism, Hatsune Miku]. 思想地図〈vol.1〉特集・日本 [Thought map Vol.1 Special feature: Japan]. 日本放送出版協会. pp. 151–156. ISBN 978-4140093405.
  27. ^ 菊池俊介・コメカ・橘たちっぱな・三輪裕也・宇野常寛「Perfumeと相対性理論を語れば09年の音楽を語ったことになるなんて思わないよ絶対」『PLANETS vol.6』2009年、121頁。
  28. ^ 相原博之 (2007). キャラ化するニッポン [Japan as a character] (in Japanese). 講談社. pp. 141–143. ISBN 978-4062879101.
  29. ^ 鈴木謙介 (2002). 暴走するインターネット―ネット社会に何が起きているか [Rampaging internet: What is happening to the online society?] (in Japanese). イーストプレス. p. 216. ISBN 978-4872573022.
  30. ^ 岡井崇之 「"ナチュラル"ボディを手に入れる　総合格闘技ファンの身体・コミュニケーション」『それぞれのファン研究―I am a fan 』 風塵社、2007年、181頁。ISBN 978-4776300359。
  31. ^ 宇野常寛ほか「今、音楽批評は何を語るべきか？」『PLANETS SPECIAL 2011 夏休みの終わりに』 第二次惑星開発委員会、2011年、140頁。ISBN 978-4905325024。
  32. ^ 宇野常寛 (2011). ゼロ年代の想像力、その後. ゼロ年代の想像力（文庫版） [Imagination of the millennial]. 早川書房. p. 463. ISBN 978-4150310479.
  33. ^ 東; 大塚 (2008). リアルのゆくえ──おたく/オタクはどう生きるか [The future of reality: How do otaku live?] (in Japanese). 講談社. p. 54. ISBN 978-4062879576.
  34. ^ 宮台真司 (2009). 日本の難点 [Japan's difficulties] (in Japanese). 幻冬舎. pp. 23–24. ISBN 978-4344981218.
  35. ^ 鏡裕之 (2010). 非実在青少年論―オタクと資本主義 [Theory of unreal youths: Otaku and capitalism] (in Japanese). 愛育社. p. 207. ISBN 978-4750003825.
  36. ^ 『ゼロ年代の想像力』310-311頁。
  37. ^ 「ゼロ年代の想像力、その後」『ゼロ年代の想像力（文庫版）』437-438頁。
  38. ^ 「2010カルチャー総括座談会　小説編」『CYZO×PLANETS SPECIAL PRELUDE2011』第二次惑星開発委員会、2010年、103頁、ISBN 978-4905325017。
  39. ^ 濱野智史 (2008). アーキテクチャの生態系――情報環境はいかに設計されてきたか [Architecture ecosystem: How has the information environment been designed?] (in Japanese). エヌ・ティ・ティ出版. p. 265. ISBN 978-4757102453.

Bibliography[edit]

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