Vietnam under Chinese rule

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Vietnam under Chinese rule or Bắc thuộc (北屬, lit. "belonging to the north")[1][2] (111 BC–939, 1407–1428) refers to four historical periods when several portions of modern-day Northern Vietnam was under the rule of various Chinese dynasties. Bắc thuộc in Vietnamese historiography is traditionally considered to have started in 111 BC, when the Han dynasty conquered Nanyue (Vietnamese "Nam Việt") and lasted until 939, when the Ngô dynasty was founded. A fourth, relatively brief, 20-year rule by the Ming dynasty during the 15th century is usually excluded by historians in their discussion of the main, almost continuous, period of Chinese rule from 111 BC to 939 AD. Historians such as Keith W. Taylor, Catherine Churchman, and Jaymin Kim assert these periods and stereotypes enveloped the narrative as modern constructs, however, and critique they being served for various nationalist and irredentist causes in China, Vietnam, and other countries. Museums in Vietnam often completely omit periods of Chinese rule, skipping over large periods of its own history.[3][4]

Geographical extent and impact[edit]

The four periods of Chinese rule did not correspond to the modern borders of Vietnam, but were mainly limited to the area around the Red River Delta and adjacent areas. During the first three periods of Chinese rule, the pre-Sinitic indigenous culture was centered in the northern part of modern Vietnam, in the alluvial deltas of the Hong, Cả and Mã Rivers.[5][6] Ten centuries of Chinese rule left a substantial genetic footprint, with settlement by large numbers of ethnic Han,[7][8] while opening up Vietnam for trade and cultural exchange.[9]

Elements of Chinese culture such as language, religion, art, and way of life constituted an important component of traditional Vietnamese culture until modernity. This cultural affiliation with China remained true even when Vietnam was militarily defending itself against attempted invasions, such as against the Yuan dynasty. Chinese characters remained the official script of Vietnam until French colonization in the 20th century, despite the rise in vernacular chữ Nôm literature in the aftermath of the expulsion of the Ming.[10]

Historiography[edit]

French historiography[edit]

The historiography of Vietnam under Chinese rule has had substantial influence from French colonial scholarship and Vietnamese postcolonial national history writing. During the 19th century, the French promoted the view that Vietnam had little of its own culture and borrowed it almost entirely from China. They did this to justify European colonial rule in Vietnam. By portraying the Vietnamese as merely borrowers of civilization, the French situated themselves in a historical paradigm of bringing civilization to a backwards region of the world. French scholar Leonard Aurousseau argued that not only did Vietnam borrow culturally and politically from China, the population of Vietnam was also directly the result of migration from the state of Yue in China. This line of thought was followed by Joseph Buttinger, who authored the first English language history book on Vietnamese history. He believed that to fight off the Chinese, the Vietnamese had to become like the Chinese.[11]

Vietnamese national historiography[edit]

Another narrative, the national school of Vietnamese history, portrays the period in "a militant, nationalistic, and very contemporary vision through which emerged a hypothetical substratum of an original Vietnam that was miraculously preserved throughout a millennium of the Chinese presence."[11] The national Vietnamese narrative depicts the Chinese as a corrupt and profit-driven people and merely the first of the foreign colonizing empires that were eventually driven from Vietnam. According to Catherine Churchman, this is not an entirely new historical tradition but a rewriting or updating of it, and has roots in Dai Viet, which portrayed itself as the Southern Empire equal to the Northern Empire (China). Dai Viet literati of the Trần and dynasties sought an ancient origin for their autonomy prior to Chinese rule and traced their genealogy to Triệu Đà or the semi-legendary Hồng Bàng dynasty. They recorded that the Northern Empire suffered defeat for not respecting these views. However, scholars such as Nhi Hoang Thuc Nguyen argue that "the trope of a small country consistently repelling the China’s cultural force is a recent, postcolonial, mid-20th-century construction".[12][13] Works by Japanese scholars in the 1970s as well as in the English language in the 1980s have taken on elements of the national school. Katakura Minoru's Chūgoku shihaika no betonamu emphasizes the innate characteristics of the Vietnamese people. Keith Taylor's The Birth of Vietnam (1983) asserts a strong continuity from the semi-legendary kingdoms of the Red River Plain to the founding of Dai Viet, which was the result of a thousand-year struggle against the Chinese that culminated in the restoration of Vietnamese sovereignty. Jennifer Holmgren's The Chinese Colonisation of Northern Vietnam uses Sinicization and Vietnamization as terms to refer to political and cultural change in different directions. Works following the national school of Vietnamese history retroactively assign Vietnamese group consciousness to past periods (Han-Tang era) based on evidence in later eras. The national school of Vietnamese history has remained practically unchanged since the 1980s and has become the national orthodoxy.[14]

Anachronisms[edit]

The argument for an intrinsic, intractable, and distinctly Southeast Asian Vietnamese identity in the Red River Plain throughout history has been categorized by Catherine Churchman as context, cultural continuity, and resistance.[15] Context refers to the downplaying of similarities between Vietnam and China while emphasizing Vietnam's Southeast Asian identity in the postcolonial period. Cultural continuity refers to an intrinsic Vietnamese "cultural core" that has always existed in the Red River Plain since time immemorial . Resistance refers to the national struggle of the Vietnamese people against foreign aggressors. Proponents of this historical narrative, such as Nguyen Khac Vien, characterize the history of Vietnam under Chinese rule as a "steadfast popular resistance marked by armed insurrections against foreign domination", while opponents such as Churchman note the lack of evidence, anachronisms, linguistic problems, adherence to Chinese political and cultural norms, and similarities as well as differences with other peoples under Chinese rule.[16]

The Vietnamese national narrative has introduced anachronisms in order to prove a unified Vietnamese national consciousness. The word Viet/Yue is often used to refer to an ethnic group when it had various meanings throughout history. There was no terminology to describe a Chinese-Vietnamese dichotomy during the Han-Tang period nor was there a term to describe a cohesive group inhabiting the area between the Pearl River and the Red River.[17] During the Tang period, the indigenous people of Annan or Jinghai Circuit were referred to as the Wild Man (Wild Barbarians), the Li, or the Annamese (Annan people).[18][19] In addition, the national history tends to have a narrow view limited to modern national boundaries, leading to conclusions of exceptionalism. Although it is true that the political situation in the Red River Plain was less stable than in Guangzhou to the north, such circumstances were not restricted to the area. The Vietnamese national narrative retroactively assigns any local rebellions, the rise of local dynasties, and their local autonomy with the motive of seeking national independence.[20] These early moves toward autonomy in the 10th century were fairly tame compared to the activities of people who cushioned them from more direct contact with Southern dynasties empires.[21] Language has also been used as evidence for a distinct Vietnamese identity in the Han-Tang period. However, some research points to the formation of a Vietnamese language only afterward as the result of a creolization and language shift involving Middle Chinese.[22]

Periods of Chinese rule[edit]

The four periods of Chinese rule in Vietnam:

Period of Chinese rule Chinese dynasty Year Description
First Era of Northern Domination
北屬吝次一
Bắc thuộc lần thứ nhất
Western Han dynasty
Xin dynasty
Eastern Han dynasty
111 BC–AD 40 The first period of Bắc thuộc is traditionally considered to have started following the Western Han's victory in the Han–Nanyue War. It ended with the brief revolt of the Trưng sisters.
Second Era of Northern Domination
北屬吝次二
Bắc thuộc lần thứ hai
Eastern Han dynasty
Eastern Wu dynasty
Western Jin dynasty
Eastern Jin dynasty
Liu Song dynasty
Southern Qi dynasty
Liang dynasty
AD 43–544 Chinese rule was restored after the Trung sisters' rebellion. The second period of Chinese rule was ended by the revolt of Lý Bôn, who took advantage of the internal disorder of the waning Liang dynasty. Lý Bôn subsequently founded the Early Lý dynasty, with the official dynastic name "Vạn Xuân" (萬春).
Third Era of Northern Domination
北屬吝次三
Bắc thuộc lần thứ ba
Sui dynasty
Tang dynasty
Wu Zhou dynasty
Southern Han dynasty (sometimes counted)
AD 602–905
or
AD 602–939
The Sui dynasty reincorporated Vietnam into China following the Sui–Early Lý War. This period saw the entrenchment of mandarin administration in Vietnam. The third period of Chinese rule concluded following the collapse of the Tang dynasty and the subsequent defeat of the Southern Han armada by Ngô Quyền at the Battle of Bạch Đằng. Ngô Quyền later proclaimed the Ngô dynasty.
Fourth Era of Northern Domination
北屬吝次四
Bắc thuộc lần thứ tư
Ming dynasty AD 1407–1428 Vietnam was brought under the control of China following the Ming dynasty's defeat of the short-lived Hồ dynasty. The fourth period of Chinese rule ended when the Lam Sơn uprising led by Lê Lợi emerged successful. Lê Lợi then reestablished the Đại Việt kingdom (大越) under the new Lê dynasty.

Population[edit]

Year Chinese dynasty Period Household Population
2[23] Han dynasty First Era of Northern Domination 143,643 981,755
140[23] Han dynasty Second Era of Northern Domination 64,776[a] 310,570
Jin dynasty[24] Second Era of Northern Domination 25,600 -
Liu Song dynasty[24] Second Era of Northern Domination 10,453 -
609[25] Sui dynasty Third Era of Northern Domination 56,566 -
ca. 700[26] Wu Zhou dynasty Third Era of Northern Domination
(Protectorate General to Pacify the South)
38,626[b] 148,431
740[26] Tang dynasty Third Era of Northern Domination
(Protectorate General to Pacify the South)
75,839[c] 299,377
807[26] Tang dynasty Third Era of Northern Domination
(Protectorate General to Pacify the South)
40,486 -[d]
1408[27] Ming dynasty Fourth Era of Northern Domination - 5,200,000[e]
1417[28][27] Ming dynasty Fourth Era of Northern Domination 450,288 1,900,000

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ The 140 census for the Hong River Delta did not survive.[23]
  2. ^ The census for Phuc Loc, Luc, Truong and Dien counties did not survive.[26]
  3. ^ The census for Phuc Loc county did not survive.[26]
  4. ^ Information pertaining to the population size in the census did not survive.[26]
  5. ^ Ming Shilu Southeast Asia in the Ming Shi-lu: an open access resource

References[edit]

  1. ^ Eliot 1995, p. 557.
  2. ^ Ooi 2004, p. 1296.
  3. ^ Churchman, Catherine (2016). The People Between the Rivers: The Rise and Fall of a Bronze Drum Culture, 200–750 CE. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 978-1-442-25861-7.
  4. ^ Brindley, Erica Fox (2018). "The People Between the Rivers: The Rise and Fall of a Bronze Drum Culture, 200–750 CE by Catherine Churchman". Asian Perspectives. 57 (1): 179–181. doi:10.1353/asi.2018.0007. S2CID 166116726.
  5. ^ Lockard 2010, p. 125.
  6. ^ Walker 2012, p. 269.
  7. ^ Trần 1993, p. 14.
  8. ^ Suryadinata 1997, p. 268.
  9. ^ Hoang 2007, p. 15.
  10. ^ Ms 2007, p. 828.
  11. ^ a b Churchman 2016, p. 24.
  12. ^ "Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Contemporary Vietnam: Constructing Nationalism, New Democracy, and the Use of "the Other"". Trinity University. Retrieved 26 December 2023.
  13. ^ Reid & Tran 2006, p. 5.
  14. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 24-25.
  15. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 27.
  16. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 27-29.
  17. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 26.
  18. ^ Schafer 1967, p. 53.
  19. ^ Taylor 1983, p. 149.
  20. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 26-27.
  21. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 74-75.
  22. ^ Churchman 2016, p. 28.
  23. ^ a b c Taylor 1983, p. 56.
  24. ^ a b Taylor 1983, p. 120.
  25. ^ Taylor 1983, p. 167.
  26. ^ a b c d e f Taylor 1983, p. 176.
  27. ^ a b Li 2018, p. 166.
  28. ^ Li 2018, p. 159.

Sources[edit]

  • Lockard, Craig A. (2010). Societies, Networks, and Transitions: A Global History To 1500. Cengage Learning. ISBN 978-1-439-08535-6.
  • Walker, Hugh Dyson (2012). East Asia: A New History. AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-477-26516-1.
  • Suryadinata, Leo (1997). Ethnic Chinese As Southeast Asians. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
  • Eliot, Joshua (1995). Thailand, Indochina and Burma Handbook. Trade & Travel Publications.
  • Hoang, Anh Tuấn (2007). Silk for Silver: Dutch-Vietnamese relations, 1637-1700. Brill. ISBN 978-9-04-742169-6.
  • Schafer, Edward Hetzel (1967), The Vermilion Bird: T'ang Images of the South, Los Angeles: University of California Press
  • Trần, Khánh (1993). The Ethnic Chinese and Economic Development in Vietnam. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9789813016668.
  • Ms, Cc (2007). The World and Its Peoples: Eastern and Southern Asia - Volume 6. Marshall Cavendish.
  • Ooi, Keat Gin, ed. (2004). Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-576-07771-9.
  • Li, Tana (2018). Nguyen Cochinchina: Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-501-73257-7.
  • Taylor, Keith Weller (1983), The Birth of the Vietnam, University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-07417-0
  • Reid, Anthony; Tran, Nhung Tuyet (2006). Viet Nam: Borderless Histories. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-1-316-44504-4.

External links[edit]